Analyzing Crime Patterns: Frontiers of Practice by Victor Goldsmith, Philip G. McGuire, John H. Mollenkopf,

By Victor Goldsmith, Philip G. McGuire, John H. Mollenkopf, Timothy A. Ross

This quantity exhibits how state of the art geographic info platforms (GIS), used to exhibit styles of crime to stimulate potent innovations and decision-making, are revolutionizing city legislations enforcement. The individuals current professional info for realizing and effectively utilizing the newest applied sciences during this box.

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1 is typical in that it has filtered for completed gun crimes with juvenile victims and mapped them in the context of precinct boundaries. As the legend notes, however, 359 of 558 reported completed gun crimes contained no age report for the victim, effectively removing the majority of the incidents from the data set. This example reinforces the principle that maps are only as good as the underlying data. 2. 2 maps homicides for the 13-month period between October 1,1995, and October 30, 1996. The 46th Precinct is an outlier, at least in terms of violence.

Geological Survey offered LANDS AT imagery, but the resolution is far too low for crime analysis. Even SPOT imagery is inadequate. It might seem to be a simple matter to obtain and scan orthophotographs (or obtain digital orthophotos directly) and then bring the raster image into a GIS and layer the crime data of choice over the top. In practice, the process is more involved due in part to differences in projections between digital orthophotos and crime data. The former are often projected using state plane coordi­ nates, whereas the latter use latitude/longitude, making a conversion step necessary.

Greenberg and Rohe essentially set up a test between defen­ sible space theory, which focuses on social factors, and opportunity theory, which emphasized features of the physical environment. The authors found more support for opportunity theory. They found that "physical characteristics distinguished be­ tween high- and low-crime neighborhoods to a much greater extent than did differ­ ences in informal social control" (p. 58). Low-crime neighborhoods had smaller streets, low rates of nonresidential land use, fewer public parking lots, and more single-family dwellings.

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